I think I'd have to actually see some of this research to accept what you're saying here as true... It's easy to say, "They knew all about it... the proof is somewhere in the National Archives".
And I'm saying it's there, it's easily accessible, it's been parsed and published by professional historians and political scientists over the last thirty years, and largely verified by the principal actors. I'm also saying that anyone who wishes to speak with authority about such matters needs to look at the documents and the authoritative work done with them.
If you don't like the Nimitz estimates, then which set of estimates DO you want to work with? Because they ALL indicate MASSIVE losses on both sides. So, feel free to pick someone's estimates, and we'll run those numbers.
You've missed my point.
It doesn't matter which set of estimates you or I "prefer" sixty years after the fact. What matters are the assumptions, impressions, and estimates the principal actors were working with in 1945. They made the decision, and you cannot defend that decision based on criteria they chose to reject.
It is very clear from the original documents that the principal actors believed that the naval estimates were tainted. It is very clear that the Marshall estimates were given more weight by primary policy-makers like Stimson and Byrnes; memos and telephone transcripts contain Stimson's and Byrnes' comments to that effect. It is also very clear that the importance of the naval estimates were inflated by McGeorge Bundy in 1947, when he prepared Stimson's article for Look.
I'm sorry, Roland. None of these facts are in dispute, except among people with political agendas, and/or people who haven't looked at the documents.
Ah, the good ol' Marshal Numbers.... Pretty much textbook attack against the atomic bombing of Japan....
You do Marshall a disservice. He was a career Army officer with an enormous interest in air power and the Army's Air Corps. He had every personal and career reason to extoll the advantages of a bomber-delivered nuclear attack on Japan - for the advantages it would give the Army in the postwar strategic environment, and the lives of American soldiers it might save - his soldiers. Instead, he chose to rise above such concerns and act in the best interest of his country - as chair of the JCS. The report he put out was by far the most objectively researched and calculated, by professionals who had no stake in American interservice rivalry - because Marshall himself insisted on it.
Of course, there's an excellent reason why Marshal's numbers are so much lower than Nimitz.... Do you know why this is, Seth?
Marshal doesn't count any losses at sea during the invasion... which by all accounts was somewhat silly, considering the losses we had taken in previous battles like Okinawa. Off the shores of Kyushu, the fleet would be even more exposed to Kamakazi attack. And, after the war ended, we realized that we had underestimated the Japanese force on their main island by about a factor of 3.
Marshal doesn't count any losses at sea during the invasion... which by all accounts was somewhat silly, considering the losses we had taken in previous battles like Okinawa. Off the shores of Kyushu, the fleet would be even more exposed to Kamakazi attack. And, after the war ended, we realized that we had underestimated the Japanese force on their main island by about a factor of 3.
Sorry, you're arguing a tautology here. Kamikaze attacks and force estimates based on tetraechelon formations and civilian irregulars were how the naval estimates were inflated.
So, even with Marshal's estimates, which were almost certainly well under what would actually have happened, they STILL suggest that invasion of Japan would have been far bloodier than dropping the two bombs.
If warfare was subject to an Avalon-Hill sort of simple gaming calculus at that late stage of the confict, you might have a point. But you haven't read your Clausewitz, and you fail to take into account the political, social, and diplomatic dimensions - which both Marshall and Nimitz did. Your numbers are meaningless in terms of predicting what might have happened, because they are far too simplistic - they don't take into account the realities beyond the beaches.
Factor in the probabilities of situational political, social, and diplomatic dynamics intruding into your invasion scenario - and they were far more powerful than the corresponding military dynamics at that point in the war - and you'll find the likelihood of the nightmare you describe shifting rapidly.
A good recent commentary on the limitations of your approach as it relates to 1945 can be found in several works by Robert McNamara - who was actually doing that sort of thing for the Army Air Corps during the war.
Like I said, you're presenting a fairly textbook argument here...
No, as I've stated before - I'm simply relating what the principal actors themselves were thinking, saying, and doing. The real problem with your scenario is that it represents an argument constructed to demonstrate a contemporary point of view. It does not accurately represent an historical reality.